Texas Revolution: Joseph P. Pulsifer Retained Letter Diary Spanning October 30, 1832-August 4, 1836. 146 letters, totaling 2...
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Texas Revolution: Joseph P. Pulsifer Retained Letter Diary Spanning October 30, 1832-August 4, 1836. 146 letters, totaling 282 pages, 4" x 6.5", meticulously and legibly copied in ink by Massachusetts native Joseph Pulsifer. An interesting archive as it includes letters official and personal, written and received by Pulsifer including many relating a remarkably informed story of the events of the Revolution as they unfold.Joseph Pulsifer was born in 1805 in Newburyport, Massachusetts. Brought up in a close-knit family, he trained as an apothecary and moved to Charlestown, Massachusetts, in 1827 to open a drug store. In an early letter dated May 30, 1833, Pulsifer was invited to move to New Orleans by a business proposal from Samuel Mason in an early letter dated May 30, 1833: "Do not be surprised to receive a letter from your old friend down at such a distance from the land of his birth for he is come here and contented to stay and now writes to invite you to come to this rich and beautiful country." Mason promised Pulsifer a " retail branch about 3/4s of a mile above our present store [in New Orleans] and would give you the charge of the same at a fixed salary or would give a portion of the profits as you might prefer. If you would like to try your fortune in this section of our continent answer soon."
Pulsifer accepted and moved to the bustling port city of New Orleans later in 1833 at the age of twenty-eight. As the correspondences in his diary reveal, New Orleans was a dangerous place. Outbreaks of various diseases were common: "Our City [New Orleans] is now very sickly, the yellow fever is raging to a great extent"; "I have seen by the papers that the cholera is now raging in New Orleans. I suppose it alarms you a little."
In 1835, two years after arriving in New Orleans, Mason died and Pulsifer entered another business partnership with Henry Millard and Thomas B. Huling. This mercantile business partnership required him to move to Texas in July 1835 to manage a store at Santa Anna-soon renamed Beaumont-in the piney southeast corner of Texas along the Neches River. There, just thirty miles inland from the Gulf of Mexico, Pulsifer sold medicines, liquor, coffee, shoes, "calicoes", blankets, guns, gunpowder, and groceries to the thinly scattered Texas settlers.
Making life in southeast Texas more difficult was the absence of good roads through the thick pine forests and bayous, causing Pulsifer to remark unequivocally, "We have no roads." Travel was best done by canoe, steamboat, or on horseback. In one letter, Pulsifer claimed to Lucy that to travel from Beaumont to New Orleans (261 miles along modern Interstate 10) he "had 200 miles to ride on horseback to get to a steamboat and then 200 down the [Red] river to get to this place [New Orleans]." But despite the hardships, Pulsifer appears to have adapted well to his new home, even describing his dwelling in Beaumont as "a capacious log house placed in the midst of a forest bordering a view-than which there can be none more beautiful in the world."
Pulsifer arrived in Texas with many other migrating Americans. He claimed that when he started for Texas "all was peace", but to his dismay, it quickly became a "country shaken almost to destruction by intestine strife a place where no sooner is one revolution finished or nearly completed than another commences." Much of the strife occurred as a result of the arrival of so many Americans to the Mexican state (before the Revolution, Texas was part of the Mexican state of Coahuila y Tejas). The strain between the Texians (Americans living in Texas) and the Mexican government was exacerbated by the long distance between Texas and the center of the state and national government, which made it difficult for Texians to voice their complaints. One of their major complaints came in 1834 when Mexican President Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna rescinded the Mexican Constitution of 1824, which was favored by the Texians because of its broad promises of freedom, and replaced it with a new constitution.
As trouble loomed between the Texians and the Mexican government, Pulsifer continued to receive letters. His correspondences, however, do not communicate any uneasiness in Texas until a letter written by Benjamin Harper dated September 4, 1835. In this letter, Harper simply mentions that the people of Liberty, Texas, located several miles west of Beaumont, had a meeting "last Sunday for the purpose of ascertaining whether a majority of the people were in favour of a convention [the Consultation] or not. The votes stood thus for convention 68 against 31." While the Consultation wasn't held until November, other events leading to revolution begin to quickly unfold in Pulsifer's diary.
Harper's next letter, dated September 12, 1835, informs Pulsifer of "some news perhaps that you are not in possession of." That news concerned the return of Stephen F. Austin onboard the Texas schooner San Felipe and the colorful maritime battle that ensued on September 2, 1835-arguably the first shots fired in the Revolution. Austin was returning from Mexico City where he had been held against his will from January 1834 through July 1835. Before his captivity, he had insisted that Texas remain a part of Mexico, but following his release, he became an outspoken advocate for independence. Harper reports in his letter, "Stephen F. Austin is certainly at home. [Thomas M.] Thompson [Mexican naval officer of English birth commanding the Correo de Mejico] is taken together with his vessel and crew, he was taken by the Schr San Phillipi [the schooner San Felipe]." The Texian's won their first battle at sea and the Mexican Naval Commander Thompson and his crew were sent "heavily armed" to New Orleans where, Harper hoped, they "will receive their just deserts, insuring that Stephen F. Austin's return to Texas was safe.
Meanwhile, Henry Millard wrote on October 8, 1835, to update Pulsifer on the selections for the Consultation scheduled for mid-October. According to Millard, "Capt Rogers" seemed to be winning support as a delegate to the Consultation while he, Millard, was losing support. Millard was hoping to be sent to the Consultation and he appealed to Pulsifer to "Keep this to yourself and favour my election all you can." Millard then identified the ticket he wished Pulsifer to support, which included "D. J. Burnett [David G. Burnet, who later served as interim president]." Millard won the election, but before leaving for the scheduled October 15 meeting, he gave a copy of his will to Pulsifer, "not knowing what might be his fate". Pulsifer transcribed Millard's will into his diary and then passed it on to Millard's brother Alfred in Louisiana, through a December 5, 1835, letter.
After arriving at Washington-on-the-Brazos for the scheduled Consultation, he "found that most of the delegates had joined the army or left here for that purpose and we the Delegates from Liberty shall leave here tomorrow for the seat of war. The convention is adjourned until the first of November." The Consultation, attended by fifty-eight delegates, did finally meet at San Felipe on November 1. What actually happened at the Consultation was summarized by Millard in his next letter dated November 24, 1835: "We have this morning closed our session of the convention by adjourning to meet at the town of Washington on the 1st of March next. . . . We have established a provisional government with full powers to Legislate... Henry Smith of Columbia is chosen Governor . . . Saml Houston major General and commander in chief of the army of Texas." Millard goes on to correctly predict that a declaration of independence would be issued "at the next meeting of the convention."
Committee of Safety
With rebellion came an outpouring of volunteers. Around Beaumont, Pulsifer reported that twenty-four volunteered for the army in October 1835 to "drive from the state the minions of Santa Ana." Three weeks later, eight more men volunteered which left "scarce half a dozen men in the whole settlement." As a result, "We are quite lonesome here for almost everybody is gone to the war." Even though Pulsifer never volunteered as so many others, including his good friend Elisha Stephenson, he still contributed to the Revolution by serving as secretary of the Committee of Safety for the "District of Netches [Neches]". Serving in this role, he felt that he should not volunteer for the army, "it being absolutely necessary that I should fill my office of Secretary of the Committee of Safety."
Committees of Safety, first organized in Texas in 1832, were formed to organize militias to protect locals against hostile Indians. During the Texas Revolution, Committees were elected to keep Texans informed about revolutionary developments and to effectively organize and defend against the Mexican Army. In a letter to Lucy dated March 9, 1836, Pulsifer, appointed secretary on October 10, 1835, wrote that the Committee of Safety was elected to "administer the laws for the present-according to the Constitution, and keep records of all the transactions in their respective places that might be of moment to the government."
One fascinating and lengthy Committee letter which Pulsifer only partially copied into his diary is to the Liberty Committee from the "Netches" Committee [not dated, though likely written in November 1835] and foresees Texas independence. Written four months before the Texas Declaration of Independence, the Committee writes, "To declare ourselves independent in total from the Mexican government would leave us one thing certain could it be achieved which is-a constitution with laws in accordance with our dispositions, and which no one but ourselves could dispute about." This letter also suggests ways to finance the Revolution: "It is understood by us that a loan of one million dollars is to be contracted for Texas in the United States, why should we send there [the U.S.] for loans when money might be had in plenty from the payment in land offices of the money due for lands now surveyed?"
Another "Netches" Committee letter to Millard and dated December 1, 1835, conveys that they have "just received the Governor's [Henry Smith] message, and the object of this letter to you is to lay before you the opinion which that paper has left upon our minds after perusal." After grappling with the decisions of the Consultation, the Committee continues, "If we understand the message correctly we are as yet a sovereign state in the Mexican confederacy-for as no formal declaration of absolute independence from Mexico been declared... that in direct terms, the first Article of the 'Declaration of the people of Texas in general convention assembled' asserts we are defending the Federal constitution of Mexico of 1824 in these words 'That they have taken up arms in defence of their rights and liberties, which are threatened by the encroachments of military despots...'" The Committee then very thoughtfully lays out its disagreement with the Consultation and what it feels "cannot be carried into effect", such as Texas' capability to defend its coast ("Where in our country are we to find men to keep our army good and leave a sufficient force to defend this line of forts from the attacks of enemies?"), creation of a navy, the establishment of a tariff, and finally, the location of a "permanent place of meeting for the government".
Pulsifer took his responsibilities as secretary seriously, just as he took his business responsibilities seriously. The times were hard for business endeavors, which is why Millard reminded him, "We are now operating in troublesome times, make as few bad debts as possible be cautious and collect all you can this winter." The stakes were high; like so many Texians, Pulsifer felt that his financial future depended on the success of the Revolution: "does this country fail, I am but an encumbered ruined man, but should it stand firm, I have no doubt but in a short time I should be independently rich."
The Alamo and San Jacinto
In February 1836, after being prodded by Huling, Pulsifer traveled to New Orleans to buy inventory for their mercantile business. In mid March as he prepared to return to Beaumont, he heard news that "San Antonio with the exception of the Alamo or fort, was in the possession of the Mexicans." Upon arriving back in Beaumont in late March, he learned the rest of the story: that the Alamo had fallen "after a complete massacre of all it contained."
Pulsifer wrote two letters, thirty-two days apart, that contained details he had received about the fall of the Alamo. The first was a letter written from Beaumont to "Friend Brown" (George Brown, a close friend from New England), dated April 19, 1836. In this letter he writes, "The most correct particulars I can get hold of relating to its loss . . . were obtained if I mistake not by the black boy [Joe] owned by Capt Traviss and a lady that the Mexicans let go to her home [Susanna Dickinson]. There were at the time 184 men in the fort. . . ." In the riveting narrative that follows, Pulsifer gives what must have been all of the news he had at that time, only forty-four days after the fall. Included in his account is "the red flag waving, denoting that no quarter would be shewed them"; Travis emboldening his men with "here they come boys, thick as hail"; and the apocryphal account of the dying Travis killing one last Mexican commander before being killed himself. "Such friend Brown," Pulsifer ends his story, "is the melancholy tale of the fall of the Alamo, and dear dearly did the Mexicans purchase it."
Pulsifer devoted several pages in the letter to the aftermath of the Alamo, including the surrender of James Fannin ("he hoisted a white flag and capitulated with the Mexicans . . . [the Mexican soldiers] most inhumanly massacred them all . . . Cursed demons!") and the retreat of Sam Houston's army before the invading force of Santa Anna. Frustrated, Pulsifer ends this letter, "I can get no news from the U.S. for our mail is thrown into confusion again."
The second letter concerning the Alamo (and the longest letter in the diary) was written by Pulsifer to his sister Lucy on May 21, 1836. In this account, he gives an inclusive summary of the Revolution, going back to the events of June 1835 in Anahuac: "It seems before I left New Orleans [July 1835] the people had risen against the Mexican authority, and a few armed Texians had driven from Nacogdoches and a place called Anahuac . . . all the soldiers of the Mexican military government." In this letter, Pulsifer blames the Revolution on Santa Anna, whom the Texians had at one time "worshipped", but the "patriotism of Santa Anna was soon swallowed up in his ambition and the title of President was too simple to fill his aspiring mind therefore another resolution was set at work in Mexico, and soon the constitution was trampled under foot to give place to a central or military system, with Santa Anna at its heads as Dictator perhaps for life. . . . Texas with a population not exceeding thirty thousand, at that time alone stood out against Santa Anna with his mighty power." About the Alamo: "The Mexicans with Santa Anna at their head suddenly made their appearance giving our men to the name of 184 only time to get into the Alamo something like 20 or 30 days provisions and themselves, when they took possession of St. Antonio. Then they commenced operations on the Alamo. . . ." Since writing the letter to Brown in April, Pulsifer had learned new information which he included in this letter, such as the story of the Mexican woman who was inside the form Catholic mission and "gave intelligence to the Mexicans without that all were asleep in the fort." Also included in this letter is the defeat of Santa Anna at San Jacinto: "In 15 minutes the Mexicans were completely routed for the watchword was that which could do no otherwise then make our men fight like lions-Remember the Alamo was the fearful cry. . . . The last victory have given them a dread of the Americans they can never recover from and I sincerely hope will be the means of giving us peace."
That summer following the victory at San Jacinto, Millard, dissatisfied with the political and military leadership in Texas, was involved in a conspiracy to arrest President David Burnet. Writing to Pulsifer on July 24, he wrote that the letter would be delivered by "Doct Cooper . . . who can give you many particulars of the battle of San Jacinto & the scenes & suffering of our little army owing to the bad policy pursued by the commander in chief in the first place. Both the corrupt councils of last spring & the proceedings of the present cabinet." Continuing, he complained about the conditions his men, many "having but barely clothing enough", had; these were the same men, he stressed, who "fought so gallantly in battle & took the artillery from the enemy on the memorable 21st April." What really made Millard angry was that the army of Texas should have pursued the Mexican army and destroyed it "but the commanding genl would not permit it." Instead, "the cabinet acted upon the same policy & commenced treating with a prisoner [Santa Anna] who had brought them and Texas into a pretty dilemma. . . . In our present situation the people must again to the field or Texas is lost." Millard's angry letter quotes at length from a letter written to the new commander in chief, Thomas Rusk from Henry Teal. Teal had written that he had been "detained here [Matamoras] for nothing but to keep you ignorant of the enemy's intention they will soon be down on you in great numbers. . . . They have heard that the President [Santa Anna] is at Velasco under a very weak guard and say that they will have him in less than 2 weeks." Even though Jose de Urrea was opposed to withdrawing from Texas, he did after the captured Santa Anna ordered it. Urrea never went on the offensive.
Following a final letter to Huling on August 4, 1836, the diary ends with the following entry: "I had the misfortune by breaking a Phial of phosphorous in my hat to destroy a letter from Thos B. Huling, two from Col Millard, one from John C. Read and one from Wm Moore one also from Franklin Hardin." After this unfortunate entry, Pulsifer's pen falls silent and he leaves several gatherings of empty pages. But the Revolution, as well as his story, was over. Displaced Texians returned to their homes. The Mexican army crossed back into Mexico in June, and in October, Sam Houston became the first elected president of the new Republic of Texas. Just as nation building began, a strained peace ensued between the Republic and Mexico. Joseph Pulsifer got back to the business of doing business in Beaumont. In the spring of 1836, he was appointed postmaster of the growing town. According to some, he became romantically involved with the daughter of Joseph Grigsby, a wealthy planter. Sadly, she died shortly after their courtship began and he remained a bachelor the remainder of his life in Beaumont, Texas.
The Diary
After Pulsifer died in Beaumont, Texas, in 1861, his belongings, including a thirteen volume diary of which this single volume was a part, were given to his sister, Lucy Pulsifer Granger. (Joseph had no children and remained a bachelor all of his life.) Lucy and her husband George Granger moved from Newburyport, Massachusetts, to Galveston, Texas, after the Texas Revolution. The diaries remained with their descendants in Galveston until the devastating hurricane of 1900, when all but this volume was lost. The volume, which was chronologically the first volume, remained in the Granger family.
Throughout the 1940s, '50s, and '60s, Zulieka Semans, a descendant of Lucy Pulsifer Granger working as a librarian in Houston, painstakingly transcribed 104 of the letters into a 220 page typed manuscript. In her own letter to a Texas publishing house in 1965, she wrote that she "tried to copy the letters exactly as they were wirtten [sic], punctuation (and the lack of it), etc." Each letter was typed on a separate page. She tried to have the diary published, but the deal never happened. Later in the 1980s, she showed the diary to two Texas historians, Judith Walker Linsley and Ellen Walker Rienstra. With Ms. Semans' consent, the two historians made Pulsifer's diary public with the publication of the significant "Alamo" letter (dated May, 21, 1836) from Joseph to his sister Lucy in the November 1983 publication of the Texas Gulf Historical & Biographical Record. The remaining letters of the extant volume remain unpublished.
The diary is comprised of seven sewn gatherings. The pages are toned and brittle with occasional light chipping and faint staining; light dampstaining occurs on several of the blank pages near the end of the diary. The worn and wrinkled coated brown paper wrappers are detached but present. Only one leaf has separated from the binding. Considering its age and the amount of handling it has endured, this fragile item is in remarkably solid condition.
The diary is accompanied by: (1) Zulie Semans typed transcript (220 pages) of 104 letters, including the two lengthy Alamo letters. (2) Correspondence between Zulie Semans and the Naylor Company (from 1945 through 1965) concerning the possibility of publishing Pulsifer's diary. An agreement was never reached and the diary was never published. (3) Three letters by Mary Pulsifer Granger (Lucy Pulsifer Granger's daughter) 1856, Beaumont, to family members. (4) The Texas Gulf Historical and Biographical Record, November 1883, which contains the only publication of any of Pulsifer's diary: the letter from Joseph to his sister Lucy, May 21, 1836, on pages 51-78. (5) Two sheets, 8.5" x 13", containing a family tree of "Elizabeth Pulsifer and Her Descendents." (6) Beaumont Enterprise newspaper clippings. One from September, 1937, with article "Commission of Beaumont's First Postmaster in Texas Republic Days Found in Yellowed Packet of Letters." Also, 1990 clippings about the displaying of the Pulsifer diary at the Tyrrell Historical Library in Beaumont. (7) Two spiral notebooks used by Ms. Semans during the transcription process. (8) Robert Barr Document Signed appointing Joseph Pulsifer "to the office of Post Master for the Town of Bumont [Beaumont]." One page partly printed, 9" x 11", March 6, 1837, Columbia, Texas, with heading "IN THE NAME AND BY THE AUTHORITY OF THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS." Robert Barr (1802-1839) was appointed the Texas Republic's first postmaster general by Sam Houston. Interestingly, Beaumont is misspelled. Blind embossed seal of the Republic of Texas in lower left. According to a letter dated March 9, 1836, Pulsifer tells Lucy that he had already been appointed post master: "We have now a mail established in Texas, and I am appointed post master at our place which is called Beaumont." (9) Pearl Hendricks typed document, seven pages, 9" x 11", n.d. (though likely ca. 1930), n.p. A short history of the Pulsifers in Beaumont.
We have quoted sparingly from this diary as it is both fragile, and for the most part unpublished. What follows is a complete transcription of Joseph Pulsifer's letter to his sister Lucy dated May 21, 1836. This letter is exemplary of the content of the entire diary.
More Information:
Sent by Mr. Moon
I think June 3rd
Beaumont, formerly Santa Anna
May 21st 1836
Dear Sister
I wrote you sometime since by a vessel which sailed from here to New Orleans requesting Mr Benjamin Rogers, the gentleman who took it for me to put it in the Postoffice at New Orleans. It was dated 14th Apl; a time I will assure you dear sister that wove a hue dark enough as to my future prospects. I believe I must make a long letter of this Lucy and give you a kind of history of my life since I have left New Orleans, for I think an account of the circumstances in which I have been placed will not be without interest to you.
To begin then, with a joyful heart after some hindrance we made
fast our little schooner called the Commercial, to the steam boat
that was to tow us down the river between sunset and dark on the
10th July 1835, and the next morning at about 7 o'clk
were again cast off just within the bar of the South West pass and
during that day and the next had a fair wind with most pleasant
weather, and the next day at about three o'clock made the land
about three miles from the Sabine Pass through which we had to go
to get to our place of destination. Beside the Cap. & crew there
were on board of the vessel Mr Huling one of the partners of our
company Mr Scott a young man whom I had heard a boy of abt 15 years
old by the name of Joshua Spelman whom Mr Millard & Huling had
taken from the orphan asylum at New Orleans, and myself. Mr.
Millard could not get ready to come. We found the Pass most
difficult to get through the channell being very crooked and
narrow, and broken on each side by oyster banks that rise within a
foot and half of the surface of the water. At its entrance from the
main ocean or rather the Gulph of Mexico, it is about four miles
wide but contracting very fast to not more than a mile in width and
is called from its bar to the entrance of Sabine Lake six miles.
After getting aground once or twice we succeeded during the next
A.M. to get into the lake and now had twenty miles more to go to
get to the mouth of the Neches River, on the banks of which our
establishments were placed. We found the Lake very shallow, the
water being not more than six feet deep, and frequently got aground
putting us to a great deal of difficulty in getting off and find
our way about. I t was on the second day I think after we entered
the Pass a little past noon we, having got just into the Lake when
we again grounded, and in the confusion the only boat we had was
left unfastened and upon discovering her drifting away the Capt
called upon the cook to swim after her. He undressed himself and
jumped over, but the boat drifted so fast he could not overtake it
so that we were most unwillingly forced to see the poor fellow
drown without being able to render him any assistance. This
accident stuck a damp over us all, so that we laid there aground in
the midst of the lake with no boat to anyway assist in getting us
off, in fact our feelings were such that we paid no attention to
it. We hoisted our colours with the Union down, but it was of no
use for no mortal was or likely to be in sight, for it was one of
the most desolate places seemingly there could be. After a while on
towards night they made a wary kind of raft on which two of the men
reached the shore and finally succeeded in bringing the boat to the
vessel a little after dark. The next day we anchored about two mile
from the mouth of the river, and the next day I think the first
Texian I ever had known came on board. His name was Grigsby quite a
patriarchal looking old gentleman with whom I had much pleasant
conversation relative to the manners & customs of the Texians. He
was a planter of the country and at the time had shipped on board a
sloop that lay there 24 bales of cotton with which he was going to
New Orleans. Mr. Huling engaged of him a lighter to get the goods
up to our place, which as soon as the cotton was taken out of her
came along side bringing with her another Texian by the name of
Savary together with two black boys belonging to Grigsby. Grigsby
had been in the country I think six years and was from the state of
Kentucky. Savary scarce a year and was from Michigan. From a very
heavy rain we were not able to lead the lighter until the next day
when she made her trip as far as Mr Grigsbys house which was about
7 miles from the mouth of the river, the reason we had to employ a
lighter was from the little depth of water on the bar, at the mouth
of the river which did not exceed three feet. Sabine Lake in which
we were now riding at another is about twenty mile one way and ten
the other, we now laying near the head of its longest par. The
river off which we lay is called the Neches to the East of this and
bounding the river as it were is a deep indentation apparently once
the river's course and known by the name of the old river, its
mouth is from three to four miles wide forming quite a bay. To the
east of this about two miles further on six miles from the Neches,
is the entrance to the Sabine river which makes the boundary of the
United States. The lighter returned again the next day and that
night about 9 O'Clock landed us at Mr Grigsbys place, and for the
first time in my life I made my bed in the open air before a fire
and not without some fear of snakes went to sleep. The next day the
21st July, after a hard day's work of rowing besides
getting a thorough drenching from a heavy shower of rain, and
covering the distance of twenty four miles, at about dark we
stopped at the landing at Santa Anna hen a person who lived in the
house above, about 8 or 19 rids from the river side by the name of
Jesse Eaves invited us up to take supper and sleep with him. Our
host was a thin consumptive looking man with a rather bent form and
might be from thirty five to forty years old. We had a real
presbyterian appearance, muttered a kind of grace over the meal and
seemed from the flock of children around him who amounted to seven
as if he had done his part in populating Texas. His house might
have been 15 foot by 20 and perhaps 10 foot high built of wide and
rather thick pieces roughly split out from the trees which are
called here pecos, stuck into the ground, having a door way on each
side the NW and SE but no doors, the roof was covered with rough
oak staves having marks on the rough floor of having let in water
during the rain of the day. The next morning early the light was
unloaded and again proceeded down to Mr Grigsbys for the remainder
of the goods taking Mr Scott with him while Mr Huling myself and
Burril Eaves a brother to Jesse with a sled instead of a cart and
oxen together with a young man whom Mr Huling had hired got the
goods up to the store. The store might be 50 rods up the river from
the landing on quite high ground perhaps twenty five foot from the
surface of the river. It is placed in the midst of the forest
perhaps 150 feet from the bank of the river, trees of every
description pined, oak, ash, and hicory growing round so thick that
not more than 600 rods could be seen any way from it excepting
toward the river where the view could extend to the other side. It
was 20 foot by 30 built of logs the inside and outside of which
were dressed square, and merely laid on each other, with a stave
out on the ends to keep them firm and steady, the roof was covered
with rough split pieces about 3. Ft long from 8 to 12 inches wide
and from ½ to ¾ in thick. The floor was made of good plank about 1
½ in thick. Such is the place and store where I am doing business.
We were now busy for a number of days in unpacking the goods and
fitting up the store. It was the second day after we arrived that I
took a walk up in the town as Mr Grigsby called it, with him. We
followed a slight trod path through a dense thick wood about ¾'s of
a mile when we came to a creek or Bayou as the term it here about
30 foot wide, over which we crossed on a lay log and again entered
a thick wood. About 20 rod from the Bayou was a little log house
perhaps 10 ft square, used for a school house and this was the
first house we came to since I left ours. We proceeded on in the
path still through the woods perhaps for a quarter of a mile when
we came to a store built like ours of logs, and kept by a person by
the name of Rogers, brother to the one who carried your letter to
New Orleans but which we found fast closed. We then continued on
perhaps half a mile further when we came to another house owned by
a man by the name of Tevis, a most singular being who quickly set
spirit and cups to drink out of. He had a large field embracing
perhaps twenty acres cleared from trees, excepting a few peach and
fig trees just round his dwelling. I had a sweet repast of figs
which were then ripe. His house was likewise built of logs and
consisted of two perhaps 10 ft separated from each other, but the
whole was covered with a continuous roof and floored, thus having
in the middle a most pleasant airy room in which he together with
some strangers were setting. After setting a while we went further
on and again through the woods to a partially finished log house in
which lived a rather portly, but somewhat gray haired gentleman by
the name of Read. He appeared to me quite an intelligent person
indeed struck me more favourably than anyone I have seen. From the
conversation carried on with him I learned that the house he was in
was to be finished as a public house which he was to keep and that
Capt Rogers, the merchant who had been trading here and who was now
gone to New Orleans with cattle to get goods, had purchased a lot
of fifty acres of land of Tevis at five dollars an acre and was
about building him a store just above the house, where he intended
to put his goods and trade when he returned. We then looked at the
bank of the river a little distance below Read's house which Mr
Huling thought of building a store upon provided he could buy
another lot of fifty acres from Tevis. We then went a little
distance further to another house where a person by the name of
Dyches with his wife, mother and sister lived. Mr. Huling had some
considerable chat with the sister who was a maiden lady of rather a
portly habit black eyes and rather a brown skin, and far from a
disagreeable appearance. This was the last house we visited and at
this time the whole place consisted of but twelve homes and ninety
individuals great and small. It was at this time we had a partition
and mud chimney built to the store. On the 26th July we
were called to elect offices and form a military company, the
people thinking it time to put themselves in readiness to oppose
the Mexicans who wished to establish their control system over
them.
It seems before I left New Orleans the people had risen against the
Mexican authority, and a few armed Texians had driven from
Nacogdoches and a places called Anahuac pronounced An-a-wack, all
the soldiers of the Mexican military government. The Mexicans had
until within a short time lived under a constitutional government
very similar to the United States, with Santa Anna as its
President, and to get this form of government the Americans of
Texas had joined Santa Anna, and worshipped him almost while
patriotically fighting for it, and during this time he was
President of it. It was from these high wronged feelings for him
that this place was named after him for at the time this town was
laid out he was worshipped by the people. The patriotism of Santa
Anna was soon swallowed up in his ambition and the title of
President was too simple to fill his aspiring mind therefore
another resolution was set at work in Mexico, and soon the
constitution was trampled under foot to give place to a central or
military system, with Santa Anna at its head as a Dictator perhaps
for life. State after State had been reduced to this form of
government, until a short time before I arrived here, eighteen out
of the nineteen states and three territories embracing a population
of six million eight hundred thousand acknowledged the sway of
Santa Anna and crouched like slaves to his military government,
Texas with a population not exceeding thirty thousand, at that time
alone stood against Santa Anna with his mighty power. They knew how
they were situated and notwithstanding the overwhelming
disproportion, they dared to make a stand for their freedom, to
never live under a government less liberal than the constitution.
The legislature of our state had been dissolved by the Mexican
government, and our governor imprisoned and their laws declared
null and void, for some unlawful speculations they entered into; so
that it was left with a council of safety for the time being to
call upon the people to arm themselves and form themselves into
companies, for at this time it was thought a large force of
Mexicans would be sent against us, for previous to this their
soldiers had been driven from the country.
Our election took place on Sunday & Monday the 26th and
27th of July and resulted in the election of Burril
Eaves as Captain, Charles Williams Lt and Frederick D Williams as
ensign, the whole number of votes thrown being nineteen. Mr Scott
and myself merely went to vote and returned directly back, the
poles being held at Rogers' store. From this time to the first
September proceeded on with my business. Mr Huling having been to
Zaval the place where he keeps his store about 90 miles by land and
190 by water from this place, and taken his portion of goods up in
his boat which was very large and completely covered with boards.
Mr Millard had also arrived, he & Capt Rogers coming in the same
vessel. I was selling off very fast, and made quite a profitable
trade with about a dozen Indians. The people I found were very fond
of drinking and one quarrelsome fellow in a drunken frolic stabbed
another though not to hurt him much, the day Mr Huling's boat
arrived-Capt Rogers' new store was built and he had got all his
things in it, and up there all our political questions were
discussed, for mention would frequently be made of our situation,
and plans for defense. Not far from this time also we employed a
person to teach school here and Mr Read, Capt Rovers, Burril Eaves
and myself were appointed trustees. I drew up a paper of
regulations which they all approved of. On the second of September
a meeting of all our citizens was called to get the voice of the
people wether it were advised to choose delegates by a general
convention of the people to meet at some point, in order to
petition the Mexican government to remove their soldiers from us,
and to give them permission if they saw fit to establish custom
houses among us. This meeting was called from news from the
interior that the Mexicans were marching to the country and
disarming all the men of the frontiers, and it was reported that
they intended in that way to go through the country, and take all
our arms and ammunition from us. The people's wish was still to
live under the constitutional government they had sworn allegiance
to, and are bent upon resistance to Santa Anna's system. Doct Welch
from Trinity River and Judge West from Cow Bayou was at the
meeting. Mr Millard addressed the people as also did Doct Welch who
commented upon a letter of Judge Williams of Trinity who favoured
the Mexicans, and who was trying to keep the people quiet. There
was about twenty who attended this meeting and they were all in
favour of calling a convention. After the meeting was over a
notices was written requiring a meeting of the company for drills
on Sunday night. It now began to put on the appearance among us of
serious times, and I found myself in quite a different situation
from what I had ever been placed before in my life. The sound now
around was for preparation, and today for the first time in my life
I fired a piece larger than a pistol for after the meeting was over
I selected a rifle and began practicing with a ball. The next
Sunday we again met as a military company but without guns, were
exercised by Major Millard as the orderly sergeant, and also
addressed by him and Capt Burril Eaves. The address of each were to
rivet the members to that constitution they had sworn allegiance
to, and couched in language that none could misunderstand. After
this a series of resolutions drawn up by Major Millard were read by
myself to the company, and were unanimously adopted. The first
recommended a voluntary corps to be formed of the company by the
name of the Neches Guards. Their motto "Try
Us". The second recommended the choosing a committee to draw
up a constitution and by-laws to be formed of three members: Major
Millard, Jesse Eaves and myself. The third was a statement of the
object of the formation of the company which was none else than to
be in preparation were our rights to be taken from us. The fourth
recommended it to be a mounted corps and invited it to join with
the others to form an independent region then choose its officers.
The fifth recommended a committee of correspondence who were Major
Millard Burril Eaves and myself. As chairman of the committee of
correspondence, I sent two copies of our proceedings together with
some observations of my own to Cow Bayou &
Liberty.
It was some short time after this that Col. Austin arrived in
this country from Mexico where he had forcibly been detained a
prisoner and at a public dinner given him at San Felipe had
addressed the people, stating to them the necessity of calling a
convention, that we should have some head to regulate us, and that
they should let Santa Anna know what kind of government would suit
us. It was on the 2nd October we were again called
together to make a kind of government for ourselves, we convceiving
ourselves without law but it amounted to nothing for we were given
to understand that the constitutional laws were in effect so long
as we were struggling for the constitution. The reason however of
our coming together was from Judge Williams refusing to call the
regular court or sit upon the bench to decide on trials he giving
as a reason the rebellious state of the people, and from some
remark of Col. Austin in his address. On the 10th
October we met again to choose delegates to the convention. They
had a meeting some days previous at Liberty and chosen six persons
without giving any information to us or Cow Bayou, which when we
were informed of we dissented from as both this place & Cow Bayou
belonged to the same municipality and therefore ought to have voted
together, we accordingly got up a ticket among ourselves placing
Major Millard's name in the room of one of the names on the old
ticket and run him in by a large majority. At this same meeting a
committee of safety was chosen which consisted of Capt Saml Rogers
chairman and myself as secretary. Mr Grigsby Mr Williams & Mr
Lewis. We now heard the Mexicans were advancing in a large force,
and our delegates instead of meeting together took arms and joined
the army to keep the Mexicans from entering the country. On the day
of our election of a delegate there were 14 of our men volunteered
their services and departed the next Thursday to join the army. On
the 16th October the committee of safety met and made a
record of the names of those who had gone to the army, and this day
I had the pleasure of forming an acquaintance with a young man by
the name of Elisha Stephenson to whom I have ever felt most
friendly disposed. We now frequently heard from the army, and of
their success. About this time one hundred and fifty Americans took
a very strong for at Labadie or Goliad without losing, I believe a
man. It contained military stores &c to to the amoung of
100008, : also heard that our army was 500 and marching to San
Antonio. We heard Cos the Mexican commander being at San Antonio
with 1500 men and 500 iron hobbles to put upon the Americans. We
also at this time stood much in fear of the Indians who in
considerable numbers surround us, for it was said they were
carrying their squaws to the mountains, and did not as usual hunt
in the prairies. This was the manner they conducted themselves when
they were preparing for war and gave us considerable alarm lest
their intention toward us should be hostile. It was proposed by
Capt Rogers that a block house should be built in the prairie with
a swivel we had above us so large as to hold all the families that
were with us, we sent out a person by the name of Timins who
understands the Indian dialect, to ascertain if they were hostile,
and which side they meant to go against. He brought us in word that
they meant no hostility to either side, so that our fears on their
account were allayed, this took place just before volunteers
started & at this time our fears were completely done away
respecting them by information that two of their chiefs had gone to
our convention. Mr. Millard was chosen Capt by our men that went
from here and went on with them as far as St Antonio but had no
sooner got here than he with the rest of the members were ordered
back to San Felipe to meet in convention for the maintenance of the
army, and to form a government &c.
In the 12th Novr a party of seven volunteers left here
for the army among them my friend Elisha Stephenson. We continued
to hear of the successes of our army in a number of skirmishes they
had with the Mexicans which always resulted in success on our side.
The Mexicans had obtained information that but 90 of our men were
then near St Antonio separated from the main army when the Mexican
commander says to one of his officers take 400 men and go out and
bring those rebels into me. Less than our whole force, he answered,
would be useless for we have Americans to fight. Go out,
replied Cos, with 400 and chastise them. He went out and attacked
our men, but the 90 brave boys soon left 16 bodies in the field and
drove them back again into the fort. Why did you not bring them
back asked Cos of his general. I told you Sire, he replied we had
Americans to contend with and less than our whole force would be
useless! As secretary of the committee of safety I drew up a letter
containing our reasons and wishes that our delegate should be in
favour of declaring Teas independent completely from Mexico. We
were now lonesome indeed in our place for all but four or five of
the men had left it. I was lonesome too in the greatest degree for
at this time Jesse Eaves who lived just below me and hand been
employed by Mr Grigsby to take care of his house on the bluff below
where we stopped the first night of our entering the river-so the
nearest neighbor I had was more than a mile from me. Mr Tevis the
singular gentleman I mentioned now lay very sick. He was one of the
first settlers of this place, and after him the elder part of the
community called it Tevis Bluff. With the exception of the creek or
bayou the land is from 25 to 30 feet high all the way from Roger's
new store, down a little below our store or for about 2 miles. The
3 & 4th of Decr our first company of volunteers with the
exception of two or three returned. They reported the army to be in
number between 7 & 800, were much pleased to see them again. At 11
o'clk on the evening of the 6 Decr died Mr Tevis his being the
first death that had taken place since I came here. It was on the
night of the 24th Decr not far from midnight, a heavy
rain had been falling all night with an almost incessant blare of
light from lightening, with continually repeated thunder claps,
that I was awaked from a sleep I had made out to fall into, by the
discharge of guns at my door, and whooping and laughing of men
calling also upon me to wake. I got up and let them in when they
made known to me the joyful news that St Antonio was taken. I
placed wine before them to drink while they related to me the
particulars. Mr Drake from this place who went out in the first
company of volunteers had returned this evening he having been in
the whole engagement. It seems that 300 men had volunteered from
the army to storm St Antonio, notwithstanding reinforcement had
augmented the number of Mexicans to 1500 men and the defended by a
strong fortified place, and after five days fighting and losing
only three men, the Mexicans to the amount of between 12 & 1400
capitulated and delivered up the place to us. Among the killed was
the daring leader of this little squad Col Milam. This was much
joyful news, particularly so when they informed me that the last
company was returning so that we should all be together again soon.
The next day but one I had the pleasure of seeing Elisha. On
Christmas day two fellows came into the store and called for wine
and after drinking so freshly as to begin to throw the bottles
about the store I thought it was time they should desist, and
refused to sell them any more, upon which one o them began to
threaten me and finally pulled his knife out and made to me. I was
at that time alone in the store and nobody within hearing. I made a
pass to go into the back part of the store to get a pistol I had
there to defend myself or intimidate them, when the stoutest of
them and most rational one caught me by my clothes and held me,
keeping the other one away from who was advancing upon me with his
knife threatening to stab me, and reasoned with me awhile and
finally. I let them have another bottle when they left. Such things
as these are done at this time with impunity for there is no one to
administer the law if there are laws among us, for no account was
taken of this, and the men that stabbed one some months since here
never was done any thing with on the account of it. It was received
among us that a ball should be given on the evening of the first
Jany in honour of our victory and I set down and wrote upwards of
50 invitations. I did not attend it however myself for I was alone
and did not like to leave the store, for Scott had left me upwards
6 weeks since and I had considerable money by me, Mr Millard having
left with me 750$ to clear out land with for him and I had between
two and three hundred dollars of my own. I engaged Elisha to stay
with me at 15$ per month believing he would be a help to me in
gathering cattle he being well acquainted with such business. After
this things went on pretty smoothly all thought of war were given
up, and our attention pretty much turned to electioneering, wether
we should declare for independence or still adhere to the
constitution. There was however a regular army forming and Mr
Millard who was appointed Lt Col in it was stationed at Nacogdoches
as a recruiting officer. Mr Huling had written me a number of
letters advising me to go to New Orleans to make purchases which I
at last made up my mind to do, but was detained some days be being
appointed to superintend an election at this place for three
delegates from our municipality to meet on the first of March and
declare the form of government Texas would live under, and form a
constitution. This detained me until the third of February when
taking Elisha with me we started for New Orleans by the way of
Zavalla and Nachitoches. At this time the people had ceased to talk
of war, no preparation whatever was made for it-no one was urged to
involve themselves, and we understood there were but 75 men at St
Antonio, all were concerned only in the elections. It was on
Wednesday the 3rd Feby that Elisha and myself started
for New Orleans, he having scarcely yet recovered from an attack of
the measles. We had but one horse to ride until he could get to his
brothers where was one that he had owned that I bought of him. We
started and after walking two and half miles of tolerable decent
road we came to a marsh where it was over half leg deep in water
for ¾ of a mile.
Through this I waded until we came to a ferry boat which took us
and our horse about a mile down the river and to the opposite side
of the river where we both had to wade a half or three quarters of
a mile more through a boggy cypress swamp up to our middle in mud
and water, and grown over with cypress knees or little stumps about
as big as your leg and from a foot to two foot high. It required my
utmost care in wading through the dirty water to keep from being
thrown sprawling into it, by striking against these knees
particularly from my being forced to carry a bundle with me, and in
spite of all my precaution one of them did bring me to my knees so
as to wet me breast high. After we got through this swamp the rest
of the way was tolerable dry thru wading marsh. We finally got to
Elisha's brother's and staid that night. The next morning we
started I for the first time being mounted on horseback and rid on
to Elisha's father's where we stopped a few minutes, then continued
on our way. I t was a cold, most disagreeable chilly, cloudy day
and we had now thirty miles to go through the worst kind of a road
to the house where calculated to stop for the night my horse was an
exceeding slow walking or trotting but so that he kept me
continually behind, and most part of our way lay through marshy
places higher than the horse's belly in some places. We went on at
a very slow pace both of us nearly chilled through until we came to
the crossing place on Cow Bayou where the horses had to swim. We
took off our saddle bags and saddles and after some trouble drove
them through when we crossed on a log with the things and saddled
them again, in our journey we had to swim through two other bayous
in the same way. We continued on until it was getting dark, and for
sometime it had rained, and so cold as nearly to freeze which
almost completely chilled us through and we were yet 9 or 10 miles
from the house we were to stop at, or any house in fact. We had for
sometime been riding through alternate patches of Pine woods and
marsh, and had got some distance in a low swampy Pine wood patch,
were also thoroughly wet when the darkness increased to so great a
degree that we no longer could see the path, & no other resource
was left to us but to stay where we were all night. It was nothing
but a swamp where we were, and had now become so dark that we could
not see where the highest place, not find anything to build a fire
could we even scratch a match for the wet, besides I was by this
time almost perished with cold, from the chilly rain. Elisha by
groping about found a rather higher place than we were on, and
thither we removed out blankets saddlebags and saddles, after which
I groped about and finally got hold of a large pine knot, but had
nothing in the world to split it up but a small penknife. I made
out to cut a few pieces and got two or three matches a fire but
everything was so wet we could not make it catch. I cut off some
shavings and tried again, and by Elisha's standing over it with his
cloak to keep the rain off until he was nearly smothered we got it
to burning, and as soon as it made light sufficient I found plenty
of pitch pine, and soon had a blaze that went half the distance
nearly to the top of the tree against which it was built. Towards
midnight it cleared off and we made out to get some sleep towards
morning, and as soon as we could get ready after light, we
continued on and arrived at breakfast time to Mr Richardsons. The
road now became better, the land getting higher and there being
nothing but one continuous Pine forest we overtook two men about
noon, one of whom was the Mail carrier, and the other was on his
way down to see me, and had a letter from Mr Huling and one from
Col Millard urging me to go down to New Orleans. The one who
brought the letter rode back with us, and we continued on this day
as far as the next house which was thirty miles from Richardson's
but did not arrive there until sometime after dark, and so wearied
was I that the woods presented to me every kind of appearance you
can imagine. I had been almost incessantly at work beating my
horse, in order to keep up with my companions and so jolted was I
that I was nearly ready to faint when we stopped and I got off the
horse I came near falling to the ground in fact had to catch hold
of the fence for support, and could for sometime scarcely walk. The
next day we rode twenty five miles further to Mr Grigsby's
plantation where we again staid for the night. The next day we
arrived at Zavalla where we had to wait five or six days for Mr
Huling. It is a most beautiful place embracing 15 or 20 houses
surrounded by tall pine trees, hilly country like your own, with
beautiful clear spring water. After Mr Huling had given me my
instructions, we started again an in three days we arrived at
Natchitoches and took a steam boat from there to New Orleans, where
we arrived in three days more. I wrote you at New Orleans by Capt
Chase, and about a week after we started we got on board of a
vessel and again returned home. We had heard while in New Orleans
that St Antonio was again taken with the exception of the Alamo or
fort, also Santa Anna with 8000 men was on his way to Texas. After
a pleasant passage of 5 days we anchored at the pass. We were all
extremely anxious to get the news, so much so that a gentleman by
the name of Edmonson one of the owners of the vessel, Elisha
and myself went to
shore to hunt for a person by the name of McGaffy, we to hear the
news, he to get him to pilot the vessel. We had got on shore and
travelled but little ways before it became dark, and soon after we
encountered a bayou which we tried to go round but could find no
head to it, and finally without any blankets were forced to come to
a stop. It was a cold cloudy night with some mist, and fortunately
I happened to have an old worsted coat that had a few matches in
its pocket and with some phosphorous I had we soon contrived with
the old grass to raise some fire; in doing which however we set the
prairies on fire and soon we had quite a lake of fire around us. To
prevent the small place we had selected to lay upon and the grass
we had cut for out bed from being burnt Elisha & Edmonson with a
bunch of twigs fought the fire, as they called it, by beating near
the roots of the grass in a way to let the fire burn all around us
but not come on to us, so that it left us as it were a little
island in the midst of the burning prairie. In the morning we tried
again to head the bayou but could not and finally returned to the
vessel, when the boat again took Edmonson and a gentleman by the
name of Walton up to McGaffy's landing and the next day brought him
on board. Mr. McGaffy is a native of New Hampshire and says he has
frequently been in Newburyport, and was well acquainted with Gilman
who married Miss Page. He told us when he arrived on board that
both San Antonio and the Alamo were taken, the particulars of which
were as follows. The Mexicans with Santa Anna at their head
suddenly made their appearance giving our men to the name of 184
only time to get into the Alamo something like 20 or 30 days
provisions and themselves, when they took possession of St Antonio.
They then commenced operations on the Alamo or fort, and for ten
days made various charges upon it but were always repulsed by the
bravery of our med, the Mexicans bearing with them the red flag of
no quarter. The 11th day and night they kept up an
incessant attack, giving our men no rest and also the
12th day & night the 13th day and part of the
night, when they ceased and so completely exhausted were our men
that they went to sleep soon as the proper guard had been set, and
even the guard was so wearied out that they dropped asleep at their
posts. Our med had three pieces each charged by their sides.,
besides pistols and knives. During this state of things a Mexican
woman who was kept in the fort gave intelligence to the Mexicans
without that all were asleep in the fort, when they immediately
renewed the charge, by placing their infantry within the cavalry,
and order was given to run every Mexican through who should turn
back or descend the wall, and in this way were fairly driven over
the four sides of the fort at once. One of the guard happened to be
awakened in time enough to discharge his piece ere he was killed
with Travisse the commander sprang up calling upon his men that
they were coming over the walls thick as hail and immediately a
general discharge was made upon them and so effectual it was said
was the fire that lanes were mowed down through their ranks, but
their great numbers enabled them to fill them up again immediately.
Our men kept on until their pieces were discharged, and then
attacked them with their knives and the butt end of their rifles
until everyone but the last were stretched out upon the earth, he
begged of them for quarter which they answered by running him
through. After the fray was over a Mexican officer wished to see
the brave Travisse when his negro pointed him out among the
wounded, and he was in the act of putting an end to his existence
when Travisse sprang up, telling him he would let him see Travisse
and immediately run him through, but the exertion cost Travisse
almost instantly his life. Thus again fell the Alamo but dearly did
the Mexicans buy it for it cost them 1500 men. The next day we took
a large shipp which we picked up on the seashore and all of us
passengers lost the vessel in her to go across the lake and home,
and that night we got as far as McGuffy's landing where we again
camped as we call it, or slept in the open air with a fire to keep
us warm, the wind blowing a gale from the N.W. which made so much
sea as to wet everything in the boat. It was between five and six
days before we got up with the skiff, and then I was five or six
days more in getting some rice and molasses from the vessel. During
this time conflicting reports had reached us one day that our army
was successful the next day that the Mexicans were, the defeat of
our men and the retaking of San Antonio had thrown quite a damp
over the Americans although they had so nobly defended themselves
and it was industriously spread abroad that the Mexicans showed no
mercy but massacred everyone capable of bearing arms. Houston the
commanded of our army which amounted to about 5 or 600 retreated to
Gonsales which he burnt and afterwards to the Colorado, or as it is
pronounced Col-a-rolo Banning one of our commanders who was in the
fort at Labadie with 300 men received orders from Houston to blow
up the fort and join him, but previous to this Fannin had
dispatched something like a hundred men to assist a few others he
had sent to assist some families, but at a place called Mission
they were attacked by the Mexicans and finally were forced to give
up after expending their ammunition and killed and wounded 1100 of
the enemy, they not losing but 16 men. These brave fellows
excepting some four or five who made their escape were massacred at
the time Fanning's men were. Before Fanning had executed the orders
of destroying the fort &c the enemy had advanced so near that
he had placed an advanced guard of 30 men before to give
intelligence of the enemy but the Mexican so managed themselves
that this advance guard passed without seeing them, and the cavalry
drew upon Fanning altogether unapprised of their being near. He
however gallantly repulsed them and shortly after the whole force
of the Mexican infantry made a charge upon him and these two he
repulsed two or three successive times, killing upwards of 1000 of
their men. The Mexicans after this hoisted a white flag and offered
to capitulate receiving them as prisoners on parole and that they
should be sent to New Orleans as quick as they could. Fanning who
was suffering for water and whose cannon without water would be
useless capitulated with them, although it was still the wish of a
great number of his men to fight them. They accordingly gave
themselves up as prisoners of war, and were kept so for about 5
days, when they were ordered out in squads with an armed Mexican at
the side of each prisoner, in different directions, marched off a
short distance from the Mexican turned their back to him, then
shot. Such is the dependence to be placed on a Mexican's word. We
soon after this understood that Houston had retreated to the Brazos
or Brasses as we pronounce it, and that St. Felipe was burnt, which
brings me down to the time I commenced giving you an account in my
last letter. I stated towards the last of my letter that I had
commenced to pack my goods. I kept on from time to time until I had
packed the whole, in the meantime reports became more and more
confounding and fears were entertained of an attack from the
Indians. Families were still pressing towards the Sabine, but were
now taking another direction passing in the prairie by here, to
Grigsby's Bluff below, where they were taken by water to the
Sabine. I was a few days after this that Elisha returned much
afflicted with boils and stated that the Mexicans were at
Harrisburgh, and had got this side of the army, so that they had
nothing to hinder them from coming on. The next day Elisha went
home, we heard the Mexicans and Indians numbering 2000 had taken
Nachodoches, and nothing was more probable than that they should
take between the Neches and Sabine rivers down to this place in
order to form a conjunction with the main army thus completely cut
off our army, such being the fear all the families about here were
instantly on the move, while boatload after boatload was passing
down the river from above. I was still alone far from any
individuals still engaged in packing my goods, for I had no one to
help me and even the moss I used to pack them with I had no one to
gather for me, and so frightful no were the reports that I expected
nothing more than to see the brown or red forms of Mexicans and
Indians peering at me through the woods. It was three days after
this when we were almost thunderstruck by the appaling report that
the Mexicans and Indians had got to Cow's Bayou which is nearly
opposite us between the Neches and Sabine, and their way must be
across the lower ferry, through this place to Liberty to join the
other army. Families had been all day crossing at the ferry below
us, but now started back appalled at the news, and directed their
way with all possible haste to the bluff below. I had gone up to
Roger's store and while there a person brought the news. They heard
it and considered upon it a moment as curtained that it was all
possible and that the word was to fortify the lower bluff with
Grigsby's cotton and send our swivel down there and every man to
arm himself to keep them at bay until the families could be removed
from there. I rode with him round to notify the people and finally
he got the swivel with some powder &c had on board a gundalo to
go down to the bluff. I have a little trunk in which are my letters
and copies, and which I felt anxious that you should get in case of
my death that you might keep if you saw fit in remembrance of me.
This trunk I was very anxious should be placed in some
comparatively safe place and Capt Rogers wishing to have his books
and papers removed to the bluff I proposed going down there to
carry mine and his in a canoe, and accordingly took them on board
at about five P.M. and 11 o'clk that evening arrived at the bluff
with them having paddled 21 miles in that time. I could easily
distinguish the place of the bluff most of the way going down the
river from the light of the numerous fires built over reflected
from the atmosphere. After arriving at the bluff and tieing my
canoe I spread my blanket and wrapped the other one over me to get
some sleep. I had not laid long before the gondola or flat as they
call them here, made to the landing place and I was forced to
remove the canoe to give them a place to land their folks to cook
them some supper also our swivel &c. There was also a long boat
at the landing which I soon found belonged to the schooner I came
to New Orleans in, and shortly after the Capt spoke to me, who was
laying but a short distance from the water's edge. His brother had
left some groceries with me, which I told him if he wished to save
he had better take away and proposed his going with me in the
morning. I fixed a place to lay again in the canoe and slept until
morning when as soon as day dawned I hunted for Mr Grigsby in order
to entrust my trunk and Roger's books with him. I found beds spread
over every part of the ground, so that I had to use caution not to
tread upon those they contained. For a great distance the ground
was completely spotted with people lying a sleeping and this great
number notwithstanding a sloop and large soow, or hulboat as we
call them had the day before carried as many families from there as
they could. They were taking them all to a cockle shell bluff on
the American side of the Sabine. I at least found Mr. Grigsby who
took my things under his care, when I returned to the boat and
found Capt Francis Delisdeneau ready to go with me in the
Schooner's boat back again to town. We got back by hard rowing and
sailing that day at 12 O'clock, I feeling now quite satisfied for
Capt Delisdeneau had promised me to get the trunk to you in case of
my death. I found our place almost completely deserted though
Elisha had returned while I was gone. I went up to Capt Roger's and
got the key when we put all the things in the boat and Capt
Dedeseneau with Elisha and his brother left here, taking with them
their things for the bluff. I soon understood however that there
was not truth in their report of the Mexicans being at Cow Bayou,
and again went on to pack my things, for they are now coming up
with Roger's large skiff, which the schooner had picked up on the
sea shore, so that I had some prospect now of saving them I was now
again left alone to my solitary labour. The next day there were
crowds of families coming in from Liberty, and above Mrs Tevis
cowpen they had formed quite a ship yard in building vehicles to
float them away, for the Mexicans were fast coming upon us from the
west and being not more than 60 miles from us, while we did not
know how quick they would be upon us from Nacogdoches. The skiff
was now gone below to the ferry to help families away and now our
place was full of people who lay camped in every part. We now
understood that a battle must take place between the Mexicans and
Americans or Texians. I should write, and Capt Rogers had the
promise of Judge Hardin to acquaint him with the particulars as
soon as he learnt them. Capt Rogers wanted his boats to cross some
cattle he had been buying and I went down early to the ferry to get
them, but they were engaged until night when they wished me to come
down again and bring them some bread for they had had nothing to
eat since the morning before. With me it was impossible to get for
all those I had boarded with were gone, and I had even been forced
to beg a piece of bread from a friend. I happened by good luck to
have a small quantity of arrow root in the store, this I cooked
when I could get nothing else, and in this way made out to get
along. I carried some bread and meat down toward night to the
ferry, it being 3 miles or more below the store, and when I got
there not a human being was there or in sight nor did one make
their appearance until next morning, I found a few coals of fire,
the remains of one that had been build there, and soon kindled one
with the wood that was collected and dried my clothes before it,
for I had to wade over half leg deep to get there, took some of the
corn bread I had brought for them and with some molasses which I
had brought down made a most delicious supper, then wrapping myself
in and old sail there fortunately was there resigned myself to
sleep in the midst of almost deafening musick of croaking frogs and
the bellowing of alligators. The next morning a young gentleman who
was camped at Rogers came down to see a friend of his and told me
the most delightful news that Houston had had an action &
completely whipped the Mexicans. Oh Lucy how my heart did jump for
joy to hear this most glad tidings how grateful I felt to the
relation of them. I soon returned home and in a day or two got the
following particulars. The Mexicans between 10 and 1100 in number
had crossed the San Jacinto or Sank-in-Sink as we pronounce it, and
burn Harrisburgh. Houston with about 100 men now thought it a
favourable opportunity to attack them which he did in the open
prairie they having a wood to shelter them. Santa Anna it is said
could hardly be made to believe it was the intention of the Texians
to attack him for they had run before him so long, that he felt
quite sure they would be defeated did they do so, or at least felt
they could not cope with the immaculate Santa Anna. It was about 5
O'clock till our men commenced the attack and in 15 minutes the
Mexicans were completely routed for the watchword was that which
could do no otherwise then make our men fight like lions-Remember
the Alamo was the fearful cry don't forget Fanning and the massacre
of his men was again responded, and right heartily did our men play
upon the Mexicans, for they could see nothing but death in its
reiterate sound. They were completely routed 500 killed and six
hundred taken prisoners, among them Santa Anna, Almonti and Coss
the most famous Mexican generals there were, on our side there were
but 7 killed and four wounded. Our army is still pursuing the
Mexicans who fly before them and say they never will more fight the
Americans. The last victory have given them a dread of the
Americans they can never recover from and I sincerely hope will be
the means of giving us peace. Families are daily returning from
Sabine to their homes, but dreadfully in want of breadstuffs. There
is at present no corn or flour to be bought on any terms, they have
been selling here flour at 10cts 1b and corn two dollars bushel.
There is plenty of meat. Scarce a family returns but has one or
more sick in it and within the last three weeks between 6 and 8
have been buried from this place on the bluff. A young man died in
the house below me of the measles the other night which I was
watching with him and for the first time in my life I helped lay
out his corpse also to dig his grave for I would hire no one to do
it. Thus we are situated Lucy but how long we shall remain in our
present state of safety no one knows. Since writing the first part
of this letter I have understood from the US papers that 17000
Mexicans are on the march for this country, also that the Mexicans
our army were driving had made a stand at Labadie and St Antonio
for reinforcements which if all correct I know not what will be our
fate more particularly when at this time we have but 1100 men in
our army. Our situation was most critical so I understood just
before the last battle with the Mexicans, for our Indians about
numbering some four or six hundred were in the act of joining the
Mexicans, & part of them on the march for that purpose also that
nothing but the high water saved us from the attack of 800 Indians
from Nacogdoches, which had they have come upon us most assuredly
have massacred hundreds if not thousands of men women & children
that were then here and on their way here to make their escape.
This brings me to the 1st June and as you will see
leaves me comparatively safe; but another fortnight Sister may
place me in the utmost danger, for surrounded as we are by such a
multitude & ourselves a mere handful to cope with them we never
know when we are safe: indeed Lucy I am tired of it for my
prospects are all broken up & I do most sincerely wish for the
happy peace of our own highly favoured country but such wishes as
yet are vain for duty compels me to stay. Give my love to Mother
tell her I wish much again to see her aye indeed to you all but
truly have doubts wether I ever shall. Remember me to George, kiss
the sweet little ones for me. Remember me to Mr Davis and his
family, tell them I frequently think of them and wish myself again
with them. Remember to Eben whenever he comes among you, tell him I
wish much to see him, and Lucy for yourself accept what I can no
otherwise help than giving you my most sincere affection and never
ending but with life gratitude and you will oblige your
affectionate
Bro.
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