DescriptionFranklin D. Roosevelt: Photograph Signed as President.
-May 30, 1934. Black and white. 10" x 8". With International News Photos, Inc. stamped credit information and printed caption encapsulated and affixed to the verso.
-With a few cracks in the surface of the photograph, else very good.
This International News photo depicting FDR visiting the Civil War battlefield at Gettysburg, accompanied by Pennsylvania Governor Gifford Pinchot and his wife, Cornelia Bryce Pinchot, is signed by all three. On May 30, 1934, an enthusiastic crowd of 50,000 had gathered to see the President deliver his Memorial Day address. Earlier in his career, Pinchot had served as Chief of the Division of Forestry of the Department of Agriculture, and he gave added weight to FDR's speech, which focused primarily on public works at the federal level.
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A wonderful and rare signed 8 x 10" black and white press photograph of FDR arriving in the back seat of his Presidential Limousine at the Gettysburg, Pennsylvania Battlefield on May 30, 1934. Driving with the President are Governor and Mrs. Gifford Pinchot of Pennsylvania who also both sign the photograph. Therefore, this fabulous signed photograph bears the signatures of FDR, Governor Gifford Pinchot, and Mrs. Cornelia Bryce Pinchot. On the verso of the photograph is the stamp of International News Photos, Inc. and the following caption: "CREDIT..INTERNATIONAL NEWS PHOTO SLUG.. ROOSEVELT & PINCHOTS)/ President Arrives at Gettysburg Battlefield./ Gettysburg, PA...Accompanied by Governor and Mrs. Gifford Pinchot of Pennsylvania, President Franklin D. Roosevelt arrived at this famous Civil War Battlefield, and was cheered by the great throng of 50,000 that had gathered to hear him deliver his Memorial Day Address./ K-5-30-34 932." In his Presidential speech at Gettysburg on May 30, 1934 In this speech delivered at Gettysburg on Memorial Day in 1934, FDR invokes the memory of George Washington and the nation's founders to promote the importance of major public works at the National level. Here is what the President had to say the day this signed press photograph was taken of him and the Pinchots, to which all three ultimately affixed their signatures: "Governor Pinchot, Mr. Chairman, my friends:/ What a glorious day this is! I rejoice in it and I rejoice in this splendid celebration of it./ On these hills of Gettysburg two brave armies of Americans once met in contest. Not far from here, in a valley likewise consecrated to American valor, a ragged Continental Army survived a bitter winter to keep alive the expiring hope of a new Nation; and near to this battlefield and that valley stands that invincible city where the Declaration of Independence was born and the Constitution of the United States was written by the fathers. Surely, all this is holy ground./ It was in Philadelphia, too, that Washington spoke his solemn, tender, wise words of farewell—a farewell not alone to his generation, but to the generation of those who laid down their lives here and to our generation and to the America of tomorrow. Perhaps if our fathers and grandfathers had truly heeded those words we should have had no family quarrel, no battle of Gettysburg, no Appomattox./ As a Virginian, President Washington had a natural pride in Virginia; but as an American, in his stately phrase, ‘the name of American, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discrimination.'/ Recognizing the strength of local and State and sectional prejudices and how strong they might grow to be, and how they might take from the national Government some of the loyalty the citizens owed to it, he made three historic tours during his Presidency. One was through New England in 1789, another through the Northern States in 1790, and still another through the Southern States in 1791. He did this, as he said—and the words sound good nearly a century and a half later—‘In order to become better acquainted with their principal characters and internal circumstances, as well as to be more accessible to numbers of well-informed persons who might give him useful advices on political subjects.'/ But Washington did more to stimulate patriotism than merely to travel and mingle with the people. He knew that Nations grow as their commerce and manufactures and agriculture grow, and that all of these grow as the means of transportation are extended. He sought to knit the sections together by their common interest in these great enterprises; and he projected highways and canals as aids not to sectional, but to national, development./ But the Nation expanded geographically after the death of Washington far more rapidly than the Nation's means of intercommunication. The small national area of 1789 grew to the great expanse of the Nation of 1860. Even in terms of the crude transportation of that day, the first thirteen States were still within ‘driving distance' of each other./ With the settling and the peopling of the Continent to the shores of the Pacific, there developed the problem of self-contained territories because the Nation's expansion exceeded its development of means of transportation, as we learn from our history books. The early building of railroads did not proceed on national lines./ Contrary to belief of some of us Northerners, the South and the West were not laggard in developing this new form of transportation; but, as in the East, most of the railroads were local and sectional. It was a chartless procedure; people were not thinking in terms of national transportation or national communication. In the days before the Brothers' War not a single line of railroad was projected from the South to the North; not even one from the South reached to the national capital itself./ In those days, it was an inspired prophet of the South who said: ‘My brethren, if we know one another, we will love one another.' The tragedy of the Nation was that the people did not know one another because they had not the necessary means of visiting one another./ Since those days, two subsequent wars, both with foreign Nations, have measurably allayed and softened the ancient passions. It has been left to us of this generation to see the healing made permanent./ We are all brothers now, brothers in a new understanding. The grain farmers of the West and in the fertile fields of Pennsylvania do not set themselves up for preference if we seek at the same time to help the cotton farmers of the South; nor do the tobacco growers complain of discrimination if, at the same time, we help the cattle men of the plains and mountains./ In our planning to lift industry to normal prosperity, the farmer upholds our efforts. And as we seek to give the farmers of the United States a long-sought equality, the city worker understands and helps. All of us, among all the States, share in whatever of good comes to the average man. We know that we all have a stake—a partnership in this Government of this, our country./ Today, we have many means of knowing each other—means that at last have sounded the doom of sectionalism. It is, I think, as I survey the picture from every angle, a simple fact that the chief hindrance to progress comes from three elements which, thank God, grow less in importance with the growth of a clearer understanding of our purposes on the part of the overwhelming majority. These groups are those who seek to stir up political animosity or to build political advantage by the distortion of facts; those who, by declining to follow the rules of the game, seek to gain an unfair advantage over those who are willing to live up to the rules of the game; and those few who, because they have never been willing to take an interest in their fellow Americans, dwell inside of their own narrow spheres and still represent the selfishness of sectionalism which has no place in our national life./ Washington and Jefferson and Jackson and Lincoln and Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson sought and worked for a consolidated Nation. You and I have it in our power to attain that great ideal within our lifetime. We can do this by following the peaceful methods prescribed under the broad and resilient provisions of the Constitution of the United States./ Here, here at Gettysburg, here in the presence of the spirits of those who fell on this ground, we give renewed assurance that the passions of war are moldering in the tombs of Time and the purposes of peace are flowing today in the hearts of a united people." Gifford Pinchot (1865-1946) was America's first professionally trained forester, and rose to national prominence as a conservationist and political progressive under the patronage of President Theodore Roosevelt. Equally noteworthy was his election twice as Republican Governor of Pennsylvania. As a politician he fought for wiser use of natural resources and for fuller justice for the average citizen. His struggle for reform, particularly with leaders in his own party, made him a center of continual controversy. Pinchot, born to wealth on August 11, 1865, at his family's summer home in Connecticut, chose to earn his ample inheritance by working for the betterment of society. After studying at Yale, he furthered his education at a French forestry school, where he learned the value of selective rather than unrestrained harvesting of forests. In 1898, Pinchot was appointed Chief of the Division of Forestry (later the Bureau) of the United States Department of Agriculture, a recognition of his advanced training in forestry and the need to protect American forests. In 1905, the Bureau was given control of the national forest reserves, and was renamed the Forest Service. President Theodore Roosevelt, a fellow Republican whom Pinchot greatly admired, allowed him considerable independence in the administration of the Service. Pinchot in turn imparted to his staff a spirit of diligence and a sense of mission. It was Teddy Roosevelt and Pinchot who gave the name "conservation" to the movement for the preservation and wise use of all natural resources. They observed what they considered to be the reckless exploitation of these resources for private profit, and they predicted that unless scientific management of resources was required, America would fail to meet its future needs. Under Pinchot, the Forest Service added millions of acres to the national forests, controlled their use, and regulated their harvest. Teddy Roosevelt's Republican successor, President William Howard Taft, lacked enthusiasm for government ownership of land. This was one of the questions that divided Teddy Roosevelt and Taft in 1912, and led to the formation of the Progressive Party, with Teddy Roosevelt as its Presidential candidate. Pinchot supported the new party, which proposed such radical reforms as the regulation of child labor, a minimum wage for women, and unemployment insurance. After TR's defeat, Pinchot strove in vain to keep the party from dissolving. In 1914, Pinchot ran for the United States Senate as a Progressive against the incumbent, Boies Penrose, who managed the Republican organization in Pennsylvania. Pinchot campaigned for women's right to vote; prohibition of the sale and use of alcoholic beverages; a graduated income ax-a tax to be determined by the ability to pay; workers' compensation for injuries on the job; recognition of labor unions for collective bargaining; and other radical-for-the-time reforms. During his unsuccessful campaign, Pinchot married Cornelia Bryce, daughter of a wealthy and prominent family, and they had a son, Gifford Bryce Pinchot. Mrs. Pinchot's boundless energy and crusading spirit matched her husband's. She addressed housewives demanding the vote and factory workers and miners seeking justice; she marched in picket lines; and she presided as hostess at frequent receptions. Mrs. Pinchot not only campaigned for her husband but unsuccessfully sought election three times to Congress and once to the Governorship. After his campaign, Pinchot promoted American involvement in the European war and opposed President Wilson's neutrality. The Progressives had returned to their old parties, and Pinchot, who was in opposition to the President, reluctantly rejoined the Republicans. Upon Wilson's re-election in 1916, Pinchot turned from national to Pennsylvania politics. In 1920, Governor Sproul appointed him Commissioner of Forestry, in which position he initiated administrative changes and refused to grant political patronage. His goal, however, was the Governorship, where he believed he would have greater opportunity to bring about the reforms he proposed. His campaign for that office, in 1922, concentrated on reforms that could arouse the greatest popular support–government reorganization and economy, enforcement of prohibition, and regulation of public utilities. To achieve a broader electoral base and gain the support of Joseph Grundy, President of the Pennsylvania Manufacturers' Association and a political power in the State, he played down some of his earlier proposals for reform. Aiding him too was the fact that Republican leaders were divided over a replacement for party chief Bois Penrose, who had recently died. Pinchot won a close election. The new Governor, however, had no intention of being absorbed by the bosses, through what he termed the "amoeba treatment," and stubbornly persisted with his reforms, often annoying his supporters as well as hardening his opponents. He began his Administration by tightening State spending. Typically, he took but a portion of his salary. He persuaded the Assembly to pass an administrative code. This standardized salaries and gave the Governor power to reorganize the executive branch of government and reduce duplication by combining 139 agencies into fifteen departments and three commissions. A pension system was also introduced, to be financed by the employees and the State. Gathering public support through the adoption of these measures, the Governor made further proposals. He asked the Assembly to pass, legislation to enforce the federal prohibition of alcoholic beverages. Only one bill passed, however, and money for enforcement had to be obtained from the Women's Christian Temperance Union, since the Legislature would not appropriate the funds. Always a strong adversary of the public utilities, he proposed now that the Assembly connect electric companies into a tightly regulated statewide system with combined facilities. This would forestall the creation of private monopolies, lessen the cost of electricity for the user, and extend service to all, particularly to farmers. The Governor's plans were dashed when utility lobbyists defeated nineteen of his bills in Assembly. The miners of anthracite coal struck twice during his first term of office. The first strike, in 1923, lasted only a week due to Pinchot's decisive arbitration. The strike of 1925 continued for six months and again Pinchot's forceful mediation was necessary. President Calvin Coolidge, cautious about government intervention in such a matter, remained aloof. Annoyed by the inactivity of the President, Pinchot called both sides for daily meetings, finally achieving a compromise. The Governor retired from office at the end of his term, having improved the efficiency and economy of State government. His enthusiasm had affected his subordinates, creating an esprit de corps among them. Following another unsuccessful attempt to make him the Republican candidate for the United States Senate, the Pinchots took a seven-month cruise of the South Seas. Pinchot, author of several books, wrote one about the voyage. The scientists aboard the ex-Governor's schooner found a new species of fish, which they named binthosema pinchoti.) In 1930, Pinchot won election to a second term as Governor. There he battled for the regulation of public utilities, relief for the unemployed, and construction of paved roads to "get the farmers out of the mud." For two years, he and the Assembly fought over the utilities issue. The Governor went straight to the people through the newspapers radio, and the mail. Although the House passed three bills to regulate rates, the Senate sided with the utilities and the proposals were defeated. He also placed his own men on the Public Service Commission, which he then sought to control, and through it the utilities. Pinchot believed in "the principle of Theodore Roosevelt that it is the duty of a public servant to do whatever the public good requires unless it is directly forbidden by Law." The Depression hit Pennsylvania severely, and by 1931 there were almost a million unemployed. The Governor took a personal concern for the needy. Before taking office he founded a committee on unemployment. He gave more immediate assistance also, such as to a woman who was jailed and fined $17.90 for killing a woodpecker to feed her children. Realizing that State aid would not be sufficient to curb the effects of the Depression, he was one of the first of the Governors to decide that Federal aid was needed. Pinchot gave a moralistic tone to the relief effort as he continually urged State and Federal governments to aid the deprived. In response, President Herbert Hoover and the Congress established the Reconstruction Finance Corporation to assist banks and businesses, and eventually extended direct aid to the states. State and Federal funds for the unemployed were distributed on a non-partisan basis by the Pennsylvania State Emergency Relief Board. Governor Pinchot recognized other neglected groups in Pennsylvania. Women, Jews, and blacks were included in his Administration. "Pinchot Roads" were promoted for the benefit of the farmer to transport his product to the consumer. Economical, but adequate, means were devised to pave twenty thousand miles of road. A limited amount of machinery was used so that more work could be given to the unemployed. This was probably the accomplishment for which Pinchot was best remembered. In 1933, the bituminous coal miners at United States Steel's "captive mines" struck. The mine owners refused to recognize the United Mine Workers union, despite Federal law requiring collective bargaining. The National Guard was called in but admonished by Pinchot to remain neutral. Pressure exerted by Pinchot and President Franklin D. Roosevelt caused the company to recognize the union. With Pinchot's approval, a special session of the Assembly ratified the Twenty-first Amendment to the Federal Constitution, which repealed the prohibition amendment. The Assembly also established the Liquor Control Board, a State monopoly for the sale of liquor. During his last year as Governor, Pinchot, for the third time, ran unsuccessfully for the Republican nomination for election to the United States Senate. As usual, he received little assistance from the leaders of his Republican Party, whom he had greatly annoyed by supporting the economic recovery programs of Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt. During the last three months of his term, the Governor was confined to a New York City hospital and Mrs. Pinchot in effect became the acting Governor. In 1938, he bid again for the nomination for Governor, but the Republican voters overwhelmingly defeated him. He was seventy-two. In his remaining years, the ex-Governor gave advice to FDR, wrote a book about his life as a forester, and devised a fishing kit to be used in lifeboats during World War II. On October 4, 1946, he died, age eighty-one, of leukemia. The Pinchots' mansion, Grey Towers, in Milford, has been given to the United States Forest Service to serve as a museum and training center for foresters. A fabulous signed photograph of FDR, as well as Governor and Mrs. Pinchot.
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